Общая заметка: There is no direct evidence for a suffix *dhl-ьji-, but the form bali from the Freising Fragments could be regarded as counter-evidence, as dl is regularly retained in this dialect, cf. modliti. It is not impossible, however, that bali is of Церковно-славянский: origin. TrubačeЁv bases his reconstructions *badlьji and *badlovati chiefly on derivatives of the type of OCz. pr№edliґ `spinster', švadliґ `needlewoman'. According to the ESSJa (I 137-138), further evidence for a suffix *-dhl- is provided by SCr. ba?jalo m. `sorcerer', Ru. dial. baґjala m.f. `talker, chatterer, story-teller', which may be transformations of *badlьji . Meillet's idea (1902-1905: I 417) that *bali is based on a derivative in -l- deserves consideration.
Общая заметка: It is attractive to seek a connection with MoDu. bagger `mud' < *bhogh- and assume that we are dealing with a substratum word. The Slavic etymon is limited to West and East Slavic.
Примечания: {1} Jungmann mentions both bahno and baґhno.
Болгарский: baґja `talk about, say magic chants' [verb]
Индоевропейская форма: *bheh2-
IE meaning: speak
Страница у Покорного: 105
Другие сближения: Gk. fhm… `say' [verb]; Dor. fa?m… `say' [verb]; Lat. fѓr– `say' [verb]; OE bЎian `brag' [verb] {1}
Примечания: {1} Lith. boґti `draw attention to', which has an older variant dboґti, is a borrowing from Slavic, cf. Pl. dbacґ `(take) care' (Fraenkel I: 53). According to LIV (181), OE bЎ(ia)n might continue *gґhuёeH- `call', which seems dubious.
Общая заметка: Possibly a derivative of the word for `brown', cf. Lith. be†ґras, with reduplication of the root. The fact that this etymon was not affected by the generalization of accentual mobility in the masculine o-stems points may be be accounted for by positing a u-stem.
Другие сближения: Skt. babhruґ- `reddish brown' [adj]; Lat. fiber `beaver' [m]; OHG bibar `beaver' [m]; OE beofor `beaver' [m]
Общая заметка: The etymology of this word is unclear. The connection with Ukr. dial. bedraґ `large pit, valley, swamp', Pl. ubiedrze `slope, steep bank' and Lith. be~dre† `swamp, valley', Latv. bedre `pit' (Anikin 1998: 30-31), which derive from *bhedh- `to dig', is semantically unattractive. Pokorny's reconstruction of a root *bed- `to swell' (IEW: 96) is impossible because of Winter's law.
Общая заметка: In view of the Indo-Iranian and Armenian forms, the *g of the Slavic etymon is problematic. Attempts to establish *bergъ as a borrowing from Germanic or Venetic-Illyrian (Pokorny) seem unconvincing.
Болгарский: blenuґvam `be poisoned by henbane, day-dream' [verb]
Macedonian: blenuva `dream' [verb]
Индоевропейская форма: *bhel(e)-n-
Страница у Покорного: 120
Общая заметка: Apart from denominative verbs meaning `to rave, to talk nonsense', expressions of the type "he has eaten henbane" conveying the same meaning exist in several languages, e.g. Ru. on belenyґ ob"eґlsja, OCz. kdyz№ sĕ komu pr№ihodi, z№e by sĕ blena najedl, Cz. jako by se bliґnu napil, SCr. kao da se buna (bunike) nazobao (najio, (na)jeo).
Примечания: {1} Also belendaґti `rave, phantasize' from Hung. beleґndek `henbane'.
Другие сближения: OE beolone, beolene, belene `henbane' [f]; OS bilene `henbane' [f]; Dan. (early) bylne, buln-urt `henbane'; Gaul. belenountiґan [Accs] `henbane'; Gaul. BELENO [dsg] `name of a divinity' {6}
Примечания: {1} Ru. belen- cannot reflect *beln-, which would regularly yield bolon-. {2} Alongside bielian. {3} Alongside bielun. {4} In Древнепольский: we find blenґ, bielun, bielunґ, bielon. According to Sљawski (SP I: Q), blen is a borrowing from Чешский:. {5} Both ble?n and ble?m are rarely attested. The form with m can be traced to Stulli's dictionary. {6} Besides the n-stem *bhel(e)no-, there was an s-stem *bhel-es-, e.g. OHG bilisa, bilesa, bilsa [f], MDu. bilse, Spanish belesa, velesa, and probably W bela, bele, all meaning `henbane' (see Schrijver 1999).
Общая заметка: Both *bherdhieh2 and *bherHdhieh2 would have yielded forba in Latin (see Nussbaum 1999 for the development of *rdh originating from syncope). A proto-form *bherHdieh2 would therefore theoretically be possible. Nussbaum, who considers the connection with OCS brĕz№da possible, suggests that an original noun *bhori- > *fori `birther' was expanded to *fori-d- and then hypercharacterized as a feminine (1999: 406).
Общая заметка: If we assume that *berstъ is cognate with -> *be°rza, which has an acute root, we must explain the variant belonging AP (b). In my view, a form bherHgґ-toґ- (admittedly with slightly unexpected end-stress) would remain oxytone in Balto-Slavic, in which case the root would be affected by the Proto-Slavic loss of pretonic laryngeals. As I consider it possible that the generalization of accentual mobility in masculine o-stems with a non-acute root vowel did not apply to the marginal class of Balto-Slavic oxytona, Illič-Svityč's reconstruction of a substantivized neuter adjective is not necessarily correct.
Другие сближения: Go. bairhts `bright, clear' [adj]
Примечания: {1} Illič-Svityč (1963: 52), mentions a Gsg. berestaґ (dial.).
Общая заметка: According to Bіga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. be†da° 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has e† instead of the expected ie (cf. bie~dnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why be†da° and Latv. bę°da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with ba~das `hunger' and Skt. bѓґdhate `oppress' (Bіga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic bĕditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *bĕd- < *bhoidh- and *bĕd- < *bhЊdh- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS bĕda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidyґti `to scare' < *bhiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bЊ№da° and *bĕditi (cf. TrubačeЁv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds.
Другие сближения: Alb. be `oath' [f] {2}
Примечания: {1} The vocalism of Modern Польский bieda `id.' is of Mazowian origin, cf. biada `woe!'. {2} According to Bіga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. be†da° 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has e† instead of the expected ie (cf. bie~dnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why be†da° and Latv. bę°da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with ba~das `hunger' and Skt. bѓґdhate `oppress' (Bіga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic bĕditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *bĕd- < *bhoidh- and *bĕd- < *bhЊdh- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS bĕda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidyґti `to scare' < *bhiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bЊ№da° and *bĕditi (cf. TrubačeЁv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds. {3} Demiraj prefers *bheidh-i-s to an ѓ-stem (1997: 94).
Общая заметка: It is very unlikely that Slavic *bĕditi `force' and Go. baidjan `id.' belong to different roots. Stang even includes these words in his "Sonderµbereinstimmungen" (1972: 14). The meaning `persuade' is another indication that we are dealing with PIE *bhoidh-. The question is whether denominative *bĕditi `reduce to poverty, live in poverty' ultimately continues a different root (see *bЊ№da°).
Общая заметка: Since both Slavic and Baltic point to BSl. *s instead of *s•, it has been suggested that the root of this etymon was *bhoiHdh-, cf. Lat. foedus `repulsive, terrible, disgraceful' (cf. Pedersen 1895). An extension of the root is also found in Lith. baidyґti, Latv. bai~di^t `scare', but it is uncertain if this *d , which may be identified with *dhh1- `put' and is part of a productive suffix (cf. OPr. pobaiint `punish'), is the same element.
Другие сближения: Lat. foedus `repulsive, terrible, disgraceful'
Общая заметка: The fact that this etymon belongs to AP (b), which implies an non-acute root, does not pose any problems if one assumes that the regular reflex of a lengthened grade vowel was circumflex. We may reconstruct *bhЊlH-o-, with regular loss of the root-final laryngeal.
Примечания: {1} AP (b) in Древнерусский:: (Zaliznjak 1985: 136).
Общая заметка: The semantic connection between *blek(ot)ъ as the name of various poisonous plants and *blekotъ `chatter, chatterer' is the fact that particularly henbane may cause a delirium, cf. Ru. (dial.) beleniґt'sja `become infuriated', SCr. bele°na `fool' from *belena `henbane', or the Польский expression brodzi, jakby się blekotu (`fool's parsley') objadљ, which equals Cz. jako by se bliґnu napil. I am inclined to consider the verbs *blekati `chatter, mutter, bleat' and *blekotati derivatives of *blekъ and *blekotъ rather than vice versa (pace TrubačeЁv). The development of a meaning `bleat' may have been favoured by the onomatopoeic qualities of the root. Alternatively, we could distinguish a separate onomatopoeic root *blek- `bleat' or even separate *blek- `henbane' from *blek- `chatter, mutter'. Pokorny erroneously classifies Ru. bleЁkotъ `fool's parsley' under *bhleiq- `shine'.
Индоевропейская форма: *The root *bhlend- seems to be limited to Balto-Slavic and Germanic.
Страница у Покорного: 157
Примечания: {1} In ME, blenst `talk nonsense' is accented ble°nst2 (ble°nzt2) or ble^nst2 (ble^nzt2). Blenst `be short-sighted' occurs with the unambiguous accentuations ble°nst\ and blen~st (1x). In some dialects, the latter verb has also preserved the root-final d.
Общая заметка: In view of Winter's law, we would expect to find traces of a glottalic element in Balto-Slavic. The accentuation of Lith. blaivas - the Праславянская форма is mobile and therefore inconclusive - offers no evidence for an original acute, however. Pokorny's reconstruction *bhlЌido-s is impossible for Slavic and *bhleh2ido-s is incompatible with the mobile accentuation of the adjective in Balto-Slavic.
Другие сближения: OE blѓt `pale' [adj]; OHG bleizza `pallor' [f]
Общая заметка: The preglottalized velar may or may not have been lost before Winter's law. I prefer a Прабалто-славянская форма without Ђ for reasons mentioned s.v. *blьskъ.
Другие сближения: OHG blic `flash, lightning'; OS bliksmo `lightning'
Праславянская форма:*blizna; blizno
Грамматические признаки: f. ѓ; n. o
Страница в ЭССЯ: II 118-120
Русский: bliґzna (dial.) `missing thread in fabric, flaw in home-spun material' [f ѓ]; #Ru. bliznaґ `knot in linen resulting from an incorrect arrangement of the warp' [f ѓ]; #Ru. bliznoґ `flaw in fabric, absence of one or two threads' [n o]; #Ru. bljuznaґ `flaw in fabric' [f ѓ]
Общая заметка: Although puzzling at first, the semantic transition from `to beat' to `near' appears to have a few convincing parallels, e.g. MoFr. pre°s `near' : Lat. pressus `squeezed' (TrubačeЁv II: 122, with references).
Болгарский: blud `fornication, adultery, time of unrest' [m o]
Прабалто-славянская форма: *blondos
Литовский: blan~das `cloudiness, obscuration of mind or eyesight, drowsiness' [m o]; #Lith. blanda° `fog' [f ѓ] 4; #Lith. blandu°s `dim, cloudy, thick (soup)' [adj u]
Латышский: bluods `evil spirit that leads one astray, wood-goblin' [m o]
Страница у Покорного: 157
Общая заметка: Deverbative o-stem with o-grade in the root of *bhlend-. Skt. bradhnaґ- (RV+) `pale ruddy, yellowish, bay' [adj], which has been assumed to be cogtyy o- rather belongs together with *bronъ.
Другие сближения: OIc. blundr `slumber' [m o]
Примечания: {1} According to Verweij (1994: 52), the originally long root vowel of Cz. bloud may be a vestige of the Акцентная парадигма to which *blǫdъ belonged prior to the operation of Illič-Svityč's law.
Общая заметка: TrubačeЁv actually reconstructs *blĕknǫti. I prefer the traditional reconstruction, which is also found in Sљawski SP I.
Примечания: {1} Cf. also bleЁklyj `faded, pale, wan'. {2} Rather than regarding the a as old, I would follow Sљawski in assuming that the root vowel was influenced by bladny `pale'.
Праславянская форма:*blьskъ
Грамматические признаки: m. o
Страница в ЭССЯ: II 113-114
Церковно-славянский: blьskъ `splendour' [m o]
Old Чешский:: blesk `lightning, brightness' [m o], blsku [Gens]
Общая заметка: The preglottalized velar may or may not have been lost before Winter's law. In the latter case, the Slavic and Baltic forms with short *i would have to be of analogical origin. For this reason I prefer a Прабалто-славянская форма without Ђ.
Общая заметка: The ESSJa mentions forms reflecting *bodati under *badati because the o-vocalism is assumed to be analogical. Since in general *boda°ti is also semantically closer to bosti° (the meaning `investigate' is limited to bѓda°ti) and in some languages occurs alongside *bѓda°ti, it is perhaps more accurate to say that it is a recent formation.
Общая заметка: We are probably dealing here with a root *bhar-, which was borrowed into PIE.
Другие сближения: Lat. far `flour' [n]; Lat. far–na `flour' [f]; Go. barizeins `barley-' [adj]; OIc. barr `grain' [m]; OIr. bairgen `bread, loaf' [f], W. bara `bread' {1}
Общая заметка: The Slavic noun *bogъ is usually considered a borrowing from Iranian (cf. Vaillant Gr. I: 16). This hypothesis is supported by the fact that the etymon does not show the effects of Winter's law.
Другие сближения: Skt. bhaґga- (RV+) `prosperity, good fortune' [m o]; LAv. ba‘a- `lord, god'
Примечания: {1} Sљawski mentions boґl (17th/18th c.) `devil, demon', bolu [Gens] (SP I: 315). A variant with the expected short root vowel is also attested in dialects and in Кашубский (Gens -olu alongside -o†lu mentioned in Lorentz PW).
Общая заметка: In Slavic, there are many indications for an original u-stem borъ < *bhoru-, e.g. RuCS borove `pine-trees' [Nomp], Pl. w boru `in the forest', or derivates based on a stem borov-, such as SCr. boro°v–k `coniferous forest, pine forest', bo°rovina `pine-tree, pinewood', bo°ro?vka `bilberry, raspberry'.
Общая заметка: The possibility exists that we had *bhle(H)u- (Gk. flau~roj `inferior, bad', OIc. blau‹r `timid'?) alongside *bhel(H)- (cf. Pokorny 125, 159).
Другие сближения: Go. balwjan `martyr' [verb]; OIc. bǫlva `curse' [verb]
Примечания: The possibility exists that we had *bhle(H)u- (Gk. flau~roj `inferior, bad', OIc. blau?r `timid'?) alongside *bhel(H)- (cf. Pokorny 125, 159).
Болгарский: blanaґ `manure (used as fuel), turf' [f ѓ]
Литовский: baґlnas `white, having a white back (cattle)' [adj] 3
Индоевропейская форма: *bholH-neh2
Страница у Покорного: 118
Общая заметка: Both Trubac№eЁv and Sљawski are inclined to derive bolna `membrane, sapwood' and bolna `turf, meadow' from a root meaning `white'. Though the relationship between `membrane' and `white' may not be obvious, the relationship between the usually light-coloured sapwood and `white' is unproblematic. In view of the semantic similarities between `sapwood' and `membrane', the etymology advocated by TrubačeЁv and Sљawski may very well be correct. The connection between *bolna `turf, meadow' and *bolto `swamp', where an etymology involving the root for `white' is widely accepted, seems quite plausible.
Общая заметка: Both formally and semantically, *bo°lto may derive from PIE *bhelH- `white', cf. Pl. dial. biel, bielaw, Bel. bel' `swampy meadow' (ESSJa II: 180). PSl. *bolto is sometimes considered an "Illyrian" substratum word. In this connection not only the above-mentioned forms from the Balkan peninsula are adduced, but also Romance forms such as Lomb. palta, Pieґm. pauta.
Общая заметка: It seems plausible that we are dealing with two, formally indistinguishable roots (cf. IEW: 122-123, 125-126). The meaning `pillow, bolster' belongs to the same root that underlies Lith. bal~nas, OHG balg etc. Stang (1972, 14) attempts to separate `beam' from `pillow, bellows' on formal grounds (*gґ vs. gґh, respectively), but this does not seem to work, as the Balto-Slavic forms that would *gґ do not show the effects of Winter's law. It is more likely that the Germanic forms with *k contain *k(k) < *gґh-n- (Kluge's law).
Общая заметка: According to the ESSJa, *borna `harrow' and *borna `guarded entrance, barrier' belong to one and the same root. Though this may be correct, I prefer to leave it an open question whether these words may be identified. In my opinion, this is tantamount to leaving the question whether PSl. *borti, Lat. fer–re and OIc. berja are cognate with Gk. farТwsi, Lat. forѓre and OIc. bora unanswered.
Другие сближения: Gk. farТwsi `plough' [3pl]; Lat. forѓre `perforate' [verb]; OIc bora `perforate, drill' [verb]; OHG borЎn `perforate, drill' [verb] {2}
Примечания: {1} We find attestations of broґna (bruna) from the 16th century onwards (Sљawski SP I: 324).
Праславянская форма:*borna II
Грамматические признаки: f. ѓ
Страница в ЭССЯ: II 204-206
Древнерусский:: borona `defence' [f ѓ]
Украинский: boroґna `defence' [f ѓ]
Чешский: braґna `entrance, gate, defences' [f ѓ]
Old Чешский:: braґna `fortification, gate' [f]
Словацкий: braґna `gate, guarded entrance' [f ѓ]
Польский: brona `(arch.) fortified gate, movable part of a gate' [f ѓ]
Общая заметка: For semantic reasons it is unclear whether Lat. forѓre `perforate', OIc. bora `id.' etc. belong here as well (cf. Schrijver 1991: 216; see also s.v. *borna I). {2} The Germanic forms continue PGm. *barjan.
Другие сближения: Lat. fer–re `hit' [verb]; OIc. berja `beat, hit' [verb]; OHG berjan `hit, pound, knead'
Литовский: bir~že† `sign (out of straws or twigs) that marks the boundary of the sowed land, furrow' [f Њ] 2 {2}
Латышский: bi°rze `furrow' [f Њ]
Общая заметка: The reconstruction *bhrs-d(h)-, which would enable a connection with Skt. bhr•s•t•iґ- f. (RV) `point, top, spike, tooth', cannot account for the Baltic forms.
Другие сближения: Skt. bhr•s•t•iґ-
Примечания: {1} More common is the i-stem bra?s, Gsg. brѓzdi?. {2} The original accentuation of this word cannot be established. In Литовский, we find birže† 1/2/4 and biržis 1/2/3/4. In Латышский, bi°rze, bir~ze and bir^ze are attested.
Общая заметка: No doubt, this is the same root as in -> *bresti° `wade', cf. Ru. sumasbroґd `madcap' (Van Wijk 1911: 128). We may be dealng with a denominative verb, (ESSJa) cf. Ru. bred `delirium, ravings'.
Примечания: {1} Since the 16th century. According to Banґkowksi (2000: 74), we are dealing with a ruthenism. {2} A borrowing from Slavic.
Общая заметка: The root must be reconstructed as *bhredh-.
Другие сближения: Alb. bredh `jump, hop' [verb]
Примечания: {1} The forms neprĕbredomъ and neprĕbredimъ `infinite', which are mentioned in the SSJ, do not occur in texts belonging to the canon. {2} Proto-East Baltic *bristi must have ousted *birsti < *bhrdh-ti on the analogy of forms with full grade.
Праславянская форма:*brę°knǫti
Грамматические признаки: v.
Акцентная парадигма: a
Значение на праславянском: `swell'
Страница в ЭССЯ: III 23
Русский: brjaґknut' (dial.) `swell, expand as a result of dryness or moisture' [verb]
Общая заметка: One would have suspected *bьrdnǫti, but Cz. br№ednouti points to *brьd. Apparently the zero grade of the root was influenced by the full grade of other forms. Likewise, Proto-East Baltic *bristi must have ousted *birsti < *bhrdh-ti on the analogy of forms with full grade. How old the metathesis actually is, cannot be determined.
Сербско-хорватский: buґčati `make a loud noise, boom, rage' [verb], buґč–m [1sg]; #SCr. C№ak. bіča?ti (Vrgada) `hit the surface of the sea to frighten fish into a net' [verb], bu~čaІš [2sg]
Словенский: buґčati `make a loud noise, roar' [verb], bučiґm [1sg]
Общая заметка: Attempts have been made to connect *by°strъ with -> bъ°drъ `cheerful, lively', which derives from PIE *bhudh-. This etymology fails to provide an explanation for the acute *y, however. We could assume that the root is simply *by- `be', but in that case the origin of the the suffix would be unclear. In my opinion, it is not unattractive to assume a connection with Skt. bhіґs•ati `support, be active for assume, strengthen', the root of which is probably an s-enlargement of *bhu- `be'.
Словенский: brґna (Steiermark) `carnival mask depicting an animal' [f ѓ]
Болгарский: baўґrna `lip' [f ѓ]
Macedonian: brna `nose-ring (of animals)' [f ѓ]
Литовский: burna° `mouth, face' [f ѓ] 3
Латышский: pur^ns `snout' [m o]
Общая заметка: The root can be reconstructed as a zero grade *bhrH-, wich may be identical with the root of Lat. forѓre, OHG borЎn `perforate'. For the initial p of the Латышский form, see Kiparsky 1968.
Другие сближения: Arm. beran `mouth'
Праславянская форма:*bъrtь; bъrtъ
Грамматические признаки: f. i; m. o
Значение на праславянском: `hive of wild bees'
Страница в ЭССЯ: III 132-133
Русский: bort' `wild beehive' [f i]
Древнерусский:: bъrtь `log for bees, tree with a beehive' [f i]; #ORu. bortь `log for bees, tree with a beehive' [f i]
BeloРусский: borc' `wild beehive' [f i]
Украинский: bort `wild beehive' [m o]; #Ukr. bort' `wild beehive' [m jo]; #Ukr. bort' (dial.) `natural or artificial beehive in a tree, opening in a hive for viewing bees, wild family of bees living in a hollow tree-trunk' [f i] {1}
Чешский: brt' `wild beehive, (dial.) opening in or section of a beehive [f i]
Old Чешский:: brt `beehive (also of wild bees)' [f i]
Словацкий: brt `opening in a beehive' [m o]
Польский: barcґ `wild beehive' [f i]
Словенский: brt `hollow tree with bees' [m o] {2}
Индоевропейская форма: *bhrH-t-
Страница у Покорного: 133
Другие сближения: Lat. forѓmen `opening' [n]
Примечания: {1} Other dialect forms are bort' [f i], bo^rt [f i] and bort [m o]. {2} Possibly of Чешский: origin.
Общая заметка: The North European root bhi occurs with various suffixes. The *-k- of the Slavic forms is also found in OIr. bech < *bi-ko-. The main alternative etymology departs from PSl. *bъčela and advocates a connection with bučati `make a loud noise, roar'. This is the eymology preferred by Sљawski (SP I: 456-457).
Другие сближения: OIc. byґ `bee' [n]; MoDu. bij `bee'; OHG bini `bee' [n]; OHG b–a `bee' [f]; OE beґo `bee' [f]; OIr. bech `bee' [m]
Примечания: {1} The variant bьčela occurs only once, but considering that bъčela is almost as rare, it is impossible to conclude on the basis of Old Церковно-славянский: which is the original form. {2} Словацкий dialect forms have an anlaut pč-, fč-, pš- or \č-.
Праславянская форма:*bьlniti; bьlnovati
Грамматические признаки: v.
Страница в ЭССЯ: III 159
Сербско-хорватский: buґniti se `be mistaken' [verb]; #SCr. buno°vati `rave' [verb]