Общая заметка: Etymology unclear. The connection with Skt. eґjati `move, stir' < *h2eig- is semantically unconvincing and formally unattractive because it is conflict with Winter's law.
Праславянская форма:*jьgrati
Грамматические признаки: v.
Значение на праславянском: `play'
Страница в ЭССЯ: VIII 210-211
Старославянский: igrati `amuse oneself, play' [verb], igrajǫ [1sg]
Русский: igraґt' `play' [verb], igraґju [1sg]
Украинский: hraґty `play' [verb]
Чешский: hraґti `play' [verb]
Словацкий: hrat' `play' [verb]
Польский: gracґ `play' [verb]
Древнепольский: igracґ `play, dance to music' [verb]
Общая заметка: The s-stem that occurs in Словенский: and in late Церковно-славянский: texts must be analogical after forms such as kolesa `wheels', ojesa `thills' (cf. Vaillant Gr. II: 237).
Другие сближения: Skt. yugaґ- `yoke, pair' [n]; Gk. zugТv `yoke' [n]; Lat. iugum `yoke' [n]
Примечания: {1} The RSA gives the accentuations i?go and iґgo. Skok has i?go with a question mark. The word igo seems to have been introduced into the literary language at a relatively recent stage.
Общая заметка: The connection with Lith. (dial.) aґigyti `prick, sting, incite, beat', ai~garas `straw' (Toporov PJ s.v. ayculo), does not seem implausible. OPr. ayculo may have for g. The assumption that ay- reflects *ei is not trivial. The Slavic root may have either zero grade or e-grade unless the root has initial *h2 or *h3. Note that in case of a zero grade in the root the *u of the suffix would have blocked the progressive palatalization.
Примечания: {1} According to the Staroslavjanskij slovar', the adjective igъlinъ occurs nine times, always in the context skvozĕ igъlinĕ uši `through the eye of a needle'.
Праславянская форма:*jьkra°; jьkro
Грамматические признаки: f. ѓ; n. o
Акцентная парадигма: c
Значение на праславянском: `roe, spawn, (anat.) calf'
Общая заметка: According to Bezlaj (1977: 512), the connection between Sln. ir and the other Slavic forms can be understood in the light of the ancient belief that migratory birds hibernate under water. If one is not prepared to accept this, only the Словенский: forms are possibly cognate with Lith. jіґra `sea', Latv. ju~ra `id.' etc. On the other hand, Sln. ir is similar to vir `Wasserwirbel', which seems to belong together with *vьrĕti `boil', etc. // Formally, *jьrъ(jь) and Lith. jіґra could both continue *iuHr-, but in that case it becomes impossible to seek a connection with *ueHr, cf. Skt. vѓґr `water'. A full grade *euHr- would yield BSl. *iouHr-, cf. Lith. jaґura `marshy land'. Subsequently, the *i- could have spread to the zero grade. The PSl. reflex of *uHr- would have been *vyr-. Nevertheless, it seems more probable to me that such forms as Ukr. vyґrij were influenced by compounds with the prefix vy- or arose from collocations with *vъ (cf. Martinouў s.v.).
Примечания: {1} Bezlaj (1977: 212) has i?r [m] and also mentions i?r [f].
Словенский: iґskati `look for, seek' [verb], iґščem [1sg]; #Sln. iskaґti `look for, seek' [verb], iґščem [1sg]
Болгарский: iґskam `want' [verb]
Прабалто-славянская форма: *(o)iЂskaЂ-
Литовский: ieškoґti `look for' [verb]
Латышский: ie~ska^t `look for lice' [verb]
Индоевропейская форма: *h2is-sk-e/o-
Certainty: +
Страница у Покорного: 16
Общая заметка: The full grade may be of denominative origin. I assume that at a certain stage of Balto-Slavic the suffix *-sk- was replaced by *-Hsk- (Derksen 1996: 294).
Другие сближения: Skt. icchaґti `wish for, seek' [verb]; Av. isaiti `seek' [verb]; Lat. aeruscѓre `beg, ask for' [verb]; OHG eiscon `investigate, demand' [verb]
Примечания: {1} Also 1sg ištǫ, 3sg ištǫtъ, with analogical spread of the palatalized root form išt-.
Примечания: {1} Though Ps. Sin. has ǫtrǫbǫ Asg. `entrails' in the same passage (Psalm 26:2), both Gk. vefro… and the fact that Supr. has a dual istesĕ here justify a translation `kidneys' (`reins' in the King James Version). The kidneys were considered to be the seat of desires and affections. The SJS translates `entrails'. {2} In the dialect description of Tentor, ? denotes length.
Общая заметка: The stem form id- results from a reanalysis of the 2sg. imperative idi < *h1i-dh-oih1s, cf. Skt. ihiґ `go' [2sgI], Gk. ‡qi `go' [2sgI]. The original ending was transformed under the influence of the optative ending *-oih1s.
Другие сближения: Skt. eґti `go' [verb]; Gk. eЌmi `go' [verb]; Lat. –re `go' [verb]
Примечания: {1} AP (b) in Древнерусский:: (Zaliznjak 1985: 136).
Общая заметка: Drawing a comparison with Germanic forms such as MHG witewal, with a first element meaning `wood', Bulaxovskij (1968: 104) has proposed that *jьvьlga continues *jьvo-vьlga (*jьva `willow'). This is a reasonable attempt to account for the problematic prothetic vowel. I consider it possible, however, that we are dealing with a substratum word, cf. Lith. i°rbe† `hazel-grouse', jeru(m)be†~ `id.', Latv. irube `partridge'.
).